Inverted Upsilon. Roman portraits with Y-Motif in the fringe

1. INTRODUCTION

Some Roman portraits show a fork in the form of an inverted upsilon in the middle of their fringe.¹This iconographic motif originated in Greek Art in the mid-5thcentury BC. For example, for its use in Polykleitos’ statues, see Bol, 1990a, pp. 118-120, fig. 23; 1990b, pp. 199-205, fig. 60; Steuben, 1990, pp. 195-196, fig. 55. The Y-Motif can also be found in the Westmacott Ephebe and the Dresdner Knabe: Linfert, 1993, pp. 179-183, figs. 30-44 and pp. 176-178, figs. 20-29. For the survival of the ⅄ in the Polykleitosʾ school: Linfert, 1990, pp. 285-286. For its use in Phidias’ statues, see for example Hölscher, 1969, pp. 410-411 figs. 1-6; Voutiras, 2007, pp. 225-231, figs. 1-7. An ideal head with the ⅄ in the Palazzo Altemps has also been attributed to the Phidias’ school: De Angelis, 2002, p. 62 with illustrations. For the use of the Y-Motif in Greek portraits, see for example: Richter, 1965, p. 146, no. 8, fig. 800; p. 148, no. 1, fig. 825; p. 258, fig. 1763; Pandermalis, 1969, pp. 37-43, no. 5, figs. 9-10; Hertel, 1985, p. 239, no. 7, fig. 54a; Boardmann, 1995, p. 214, fig. 223. For more examples of the use of the ⅄ in Greek Art, see for example Fittschen, 1989, p. 110, fig. 26; Linfert, 1992, p. 13, no. 3, fig. 4, 4-5; Breuer, 2001, p. 92, no. 67, figs. 157-158; Schröder, 2004, pp. 42-43, no. 97 with illustrations; Hüneke et al., 2009, pp. 377-378, no. 238 with illustration; Hölscher, 2011, p. 16, fig. 21. These hairstyles with the Y-Motif were used in Roman portraiture for over 250 years.²In the Roman era, the inverted upsilon was used in ideal heads that do not seem to be copies of Greek originals. See for example Inan, 1975, p. 116, no. 50, fig. 55, 2-3; Comstock and Vermeule, 1976, p. 131, no. 203 with illustration; Hanfmann and Ramage, 1978, p. 165, no. 247, fig. 428; Hertel, 1993, pp. 63-67, no. 5, fig. 19; Sapelli, 1999, pp. 53-54 with illustrations and p. 69 with illustration. Despite their popularity, they were not created on the initiative of the imperial house. It was a citizen trend, whose success led to it being recovered years later by members of the imperial family. As it first appeared in the Roman world with the private portraits of some youths,³The term ‘private portrait’ refers to all those portraits that do not represent members of the imperial family: Fittschen, 2010a, pp. 235-236; 2015, pp. 52-53. See also Fejfer, 2008, pp. 16-17. It is difficult to draw a line between child and youth in the Roman age. In girls, the boundary would be at 12 years of age, when they attained sexual maturity; in boys at 15 to 17 years, when they changed from the toga praetexta to the toga virilis. For more information, see Fittschen, 2010b, p. 1086. it can be affirmed that the expansion of this iconographic fashion took place as a ‘bottom-up’ phenomenon (for this matter, see Bergmann, 1982Bergmann, M. (1982). “Zeittypen im Kaiserporträt?” In: Klein, H. (Ed.). Römisches Porträt. Wege zur Erforschung eines gesellschaftlichen Phänomens. Berlin: Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, pp. 143-147.; Fittschen, 1993aFittschen, K. (1993a). “Bildnis einer Frau trajanischer Zeit aus Milreu.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts. Abteilung Madrid, 34, pp. 202-209., pp. 207-208; 2010aFittschen, K. (2010a). “The Portraits of Roman Emperors and Their Families. Controversial Positions and Unsolved Problems.” In: Ewald, B. and Noreña, C. (Eds.). The Emperor and Rome. Space, Representation, and Ritual. New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 221-246., p. 239; D᾽Ambra, 2013D᾽Ambra, E. (2013). “Mode and Model in the Flavian Female Portrait.” American Journal of Archaeology, 117, pp. 511-525. DOI: 10.3764/aja.117.4.0511, pp. 521-522, p. 524; 2015D᾽Ambra, E. (2015). “Elite and Mass Appeal of Roman Imperial Female Portraiture: the Case of Vibia Sabina.” Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, 28, pp. 47-53. DOI: 10.5617/acta.5831, p. 48; Fittschen, 2015Fittschen, K. (2015). “Methodological Approaches to the Dating and Identification of Roman Portraits.” In: Borg, B. (Ed.). A Companion to Roman Art. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 52-70., p. 67; Maderna, 2017Maderna, C. (2017). “Augustus ist tot - Lang lebe Claudius!” In: Flecker, M., Krmnicek, S., Lipps, J., Posamentir, R. and Schäfer, T. (Eds.). Augustus ist tot - Lang lebe der Kaiser! Rahden: Leidorf, pp. 409-433., p. 419).

2. AUGUSTAN YOUTHS AND THE Y-MOTIF

The earliest Roman portraits with Y-Motif were made in the time of Augustus. They all depict unknown young men who look very like Gaius and Lucius Caesar (for the portraits of Gaius and Lucius Caesar: Fittschen, 1977Fittschen, K. (1977). Katalog der antiken Skulpturen in Schloss Erbach. Berlin: Gebr. Mann., pp. 34-40; Fittschen and Zanker, 1985Fittschen, K. and Zanker, P. (1985). Katalog der römischen Porträts in den Capitolinischen Museen und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom I. Mainz: von Zabern., pp. 21-25. Pollini, 1987Pollini, J. (1987). The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar. New York: Fordham University Press.; Boschung, 1993aBoschung, D. (1993a). “Die Bildnistypen der iulisch-claudischen Kaiserfamilie: ein kritischer Forschungsbericht.” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 6, pp. 39-79. DOI: 10.1017/s1047759400011466, pp. 52-54; Goette, 1993Goette, H. R. (1993). “Zu den Bildnissen der Augustus-Enkel.” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 6, pp. 303-311. DOI: 10.1017/s1047759400011648). Two of them are from Greece.

A funerary stele from Athens (Fig. 1) represents a young man (Datsulis-Stavridis, 1984Datsulis-Stavridis, A. (1984). “Ρωμαϊκὰ γλυπτὰ ἀπὸ τὸ ᾽Εθνικὸ Мουσεῖο.” Αρχαιολογική Eφημερίς, 123, pp. 161-190., p. 168, fig. 14, 4-6; Moock, 1998Moock, D von (1998). Die figürlichen Grabstelen Attikas in der Kaiserzeit. Studien zur Verbreitung, Chronologie, Typologie und Ikonographie. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 158, no. 390, fig. 53b-d; Kaltsas, 2002Kaltsas, N. (2002). Sculpture in the National Archaeological Museum, Athens. Athens: Kapon., p. 325, no. 682), dressed in the standard Greek civilian way: tunic and himation. His hair is short at the front and long at the back,⁴The original long hair at the back of the head can only be seen on the right. The hair on the left was reworked at a later time and only its trace can be seen in the background, just above his shoulder. The head must originally have had a hairstyle similar to the one of a Severan portrait in a private collection in Seville (León, 2010, pp. 20-25, figs. 8-11; most recently, Fittschen and Zanker, 2014, p. 43) and of a Flavian-Trajanic portrait in the Metropolitan Museum in New York (Zanker, 2016, pp. 147-148, no. 49 with illustrations). which indicates that it is the representation of a delicium (for this type of hairstyle, see most recently Fittschen and Zanker, 2014Fittschen, K. and Zanker, P. (2014). Katalog der römischen Porträts in den Capitolinischen Museen und den anderen kommunalen Sammlungen der Stadt Rom IV. Berlin: de Gruyter., pp. 42-45, no. 41). The centre of his fringe is parted in the form of an inverted upsilon.

  Athens, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. Θ 243. (1a: Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund, (la: photographer's name is not registered in Athens, National Archaeological Museum. 1b: photo David Ojeda).

Figure 1. Portrait of a young man. Athens, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. Θ 243. (1a: Hellenic Ministry of Culture and Sports / Archaeological Receipts Fund, (la: photographer's name is not registered in Athens, National Archaeological Museum. 1b: photo David Ojeda).

A portrait of a young man found at Thessaloniki (Fig. 2) displays a narrow ⅄ in the middle of his fringe (Κampouri, 1985Kampouri, E. (1985). “Δημόσιο κτίσμα των ρωμαϊκών αυτοκρατορικών χρόνων στο χώρο του συγκροτήματος της Αρχαίας Αγοράς Θεσσαλονίκης.” Η Θεσσαλονίκη, 1, pp. 85-109., p. 92, n. 12, no. 2; Despinis, Stephanidou-Tiveriou and Voutiras, 1997Despinis, G., Stephanidou-Tiveriou, T. and Voutiras, E. (1997). Catalogue of Sculpture in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki I. Thessaloniki: Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης., p. 122, n. 16; 2003, pp. 60-61, no. 197, figs. 551-554; Fittschen, 2005Fittschen, K. (2005). Review of Κατάλογος γλυπτών του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης II, by Giorgos Despinis, Theodosia Stephanidou-Tiveriou, and Emmanuel Voutiras. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 257, pp. 151-163., pp. 156-157; Fittschen, 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., p. 8, n. 61; p. 68, n. 17; p. 136, n. 22). He is wearing a strophion, which suggests that he carried out religious functions.⁵The strophion was one of the attributes of Roman priests: Studniczka, 1923, p. 66. Its use in the head of a young minister in one of the reliefs of the Villa Medici and in the portraits of T. Flavius Damianos is a further guarantee of a link with religious functions: Fless, 1995, p. 52, fig. 16,2; Fittschen, 2021, pp. 50-54, no. 26, fig. 28. For some religious functions that young men might have taken part in during the Roman age: Fless, 1995, pp. 46-47; Fittschen, 2010b, p. 1088. For the strophion, see most recently Fittschen, 2021, pp. 7-8. Below that hoop, a groove runs round his head from the back to the area of his temples. This formed a surface prepared for an applique to be attached, either another strophion or some kind of crown (see for example Romualdi, 1987Romualdi, A. (1987). “I ritratti romani di epoca repubblicana e giulio-claudia del Museo Archeologico di Firenze.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung, 94, pp. 43-90., pp. 47-48, no. 1, figs. 25-28; Johansen, 1995Johansen, F. (1995). Roman Portraits III. Copenhagen: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek., pp. 84-85, no. 32 with illustrations; Fittschen, 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., pp. 20-22, no. 6, figs. 4-5. For a similar working technique: Harrison, 1953Harrison, E. (1953). The Athenian Agora. 1, Portrait sculpture. Princeton: American School of Classical Studies at Athens., p. 41, no. 29, fig. 18; Kovacs, 2014Kovacs, M. (2014). Kaiser, Senatoren und Gelehrte. Untersuchungen zum spätantiken männlichen Privatporträt. Wiesbaden: Reichert., p. 66, A16, figs. 15, 2; and 16, 2; Hanslmayr, 2016Hanslmayr, R. (2016). Die Skulpturen von Ephesos. Die Hermen. Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften., pp. 51-54, pp. 154-155, A23, fig. 27; Fittschen, 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., pp. 67-68, no. 38a, fig. 40). The addition of this second adornment must have been a later updating of the portrait. The boy may have achieved another honorary position and that implied the inclusion of the new attribute (for similar cases: Fittschen, 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., pp. 34-35, no. 16, figs. 14-15; pp. 50-54, no. 26, fig. 28; pp. 67-68, no. 38, fig. 40).

  Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 880. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Museum of Casts Archive, ΑΓΜΕ 347 A-D (photo Ηλίας Ηλιάδης).

Figure 2. Portrait of a young man. Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 880. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Museum of Casts Archive, ΑΓΜΕ 347 A-D (photo Ηλίας Ηλιάδης).

The Y-Motif also appears on the portraits of three young men from Écija (Fig. 3), Italica (Fig. 4) and Osuna (Fig. 5) (for the head from Écija: Hernández, Sancho and Collantes, 1951Hernández, J., Sancho, A. and Collantes, F. (1951). Catálogo arqueológico y artístico de la provincia de Sevilla III. Sevilla: Diputación provincial., pp. 205-206, figs. 660-661; p. 326, n. 818; Sichtermann, 1954Sichtermann, H. (1954). “Archaeologische Funde und Forschungen in Spanien von 1940 bis 1953.” Archaeologischer Anzeiger, 1954, pp. 314-465., pp. 388-389, figs. 59-60; Fabbrini, 1966-1967Fabbrini, L. (1966-1967). “Caligola: Il ritratto dell᾽adolescenza e il ritratto della apoteosi.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, Römische Abteilung, 73/74, pp. 134-146., p. 144; Boschung, 1989Boschung, D. (1989). Die Bildnisse des Caligula. Berlin: Gebr. Mann., p. 121, no. 60; León, 1995León, P. (1995). Esculturas de Itálica. Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía., p. 76; 2001León, P. (2001). Retratos romanos de la Bética. Sevilla: Fundación El Monte., pp. 264-265, no. 80 with illustrations; Fittschen, 2005Fittschen, K. (2005). Review of Κατάλογος γλυπτών του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης II, by Giorgos Despinis, Theodosia Stephanidou-Tiveriou, and Emmanuel Voutiras. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 257, pp. 151-163., p. 157, n. 15; Beltrán, 2008Beltrán, J. (2008). “Esculturas romanas de Conobaria (Las Cabezas de San Juan) y Vrso (Osuna). La adopción del mármol en los programas estatuarios de dos ciudades de la Baetica.” In: Noguera, J. M. and Conde, E. (Eds.). Escultura Romana en Hispania V. Murcia: Tabvlarivm, pp. 501-543., pp. 526-527; León, 2009, pp. 208-209, figs. 276-277; López, 2017López, I. (2017). Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica). Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla., p. 79; Ojeda, 2019Ojeda, D. (2019). Review of Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica), by Isabel López. Trierer Zeitschrift. Archäologie und Kunst des Trierer Landes und seiner Nachbargebiete, 82, pp. 325-327., p. 326; Fittschen, 2020-2021Fittschen, K. (2020-2021). “Lesefrüchte VIII.” Boreas, 43/44, pp. 35-45., p. 41; López and Ontiveros, 2021López, I. and Ontiveros, E. (2021). “El ciclo escultórico del teatro romano de la Colonia Iulia Genetiva (Osuna, Sevilla).” Eidola, 18, pp. 67-82., p. 71; Beltrán et al., 2022Beltrán, J., Loza, L., Montañez, S. and Becerra, D. (2022). “The Domus Augusta in two urban landscapes of Baetica based on the sculptural evidence: Italica (Santiponce, Seville) and Asido (Medina Sidonia, Cadiz).” In: Cristilli, A., De Luca, F., Di Luca, G. and Gonfloni, A. (Eds.). Experiencing the Landscape in Antiquity 2. Oxford: BAR, pp. 355-362., p. 356, n. 17. For the head from Italica: León, 1995León, P. (1995). Esculturas de Itálica. Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía., pp. 76-77, no. 20 with illustrations; 2001, pp. 266-269, no. 81 with illustrations; Rodríguez, 2004Rodríguez, O. (2004). El teatro romano de Itálica. Estudio arqueoarquitectónico.Madrid: Universidad Autónoma., p. 537; Fittschen, 2005Fittschen, K. (2005). Review of Κατάλογος γλυπτών του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης II, by Giorgos Despinis, Theodosia Stephanidou-Tiveriou, and Emmanuel Voutiras. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen, 257, pp. 151-163., p. 157, n. 15; Beltrán, 2008Beltrán, J. (2008). “Esculturas romanas de Conobaria (Las Cabezas de San Juan) y Vrso (Osuna). La adopción del mármol en los programas estatuarios de dos ciudades de la Baetica.” In: Noguera, J. M. and Conde, E. (Eds.). Escultura Romana en Hispania V. Murcia: Tabvlarivm, pp. 501-543., pp. 526-527; León, 2009León, P. (2009). “El retrato.” In: León, P. (Ed.). Arte Romano de la Bética. Escultura. Sevilla: Fundación Focus-Abengoa, pp. 153-233., p. 210, figs. 278-279; López, 2017López, I. (2017). Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica). Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla., p. 79; Ojeda, 2019Ojeda, D. (2019). Review of Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica), by Isabel López. Trierer Zeitschrift. Archäologie und Kunst des Trierer Landes und seiner Nachbargebiete, 82, pp. 325-327., p. 326; Fittschen, 2020-2021Fittschen, K. (2020-2021). “Lesefrüchte VIII.” Boreas, 43/44, pp. 35-45., p. 41; León, 2021León, P. (2021). Italica. La ciudad de Trajano y Adriano.Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla., pp. 137-138, fig. 52; López and Ontiveros, 2021López, I. and Ontiveros, E. (2021). “El ciclo escultórico del teatro romano de la Colonia Iulia Genetiva (Osuna, Sevilla).” Eidola, 18, pp. 67-82., p. 71; Beltrán et al., 2022Beltrán, J., Loza, L., Montañez, S. and Becerra, D. (2022). “The Domus Augusta in two urban landscapes of Baetica based on the sculptural evidence: Italica (Santiponce, Seville) and Asido (Medina Sidonia, Cadiz).” In: Cristilli, A., De Luca, F., Di Luca, G. and Gonfloni, A. (Eds.). Experiencing the Landscape in Antiquity 2. Oxford: BAR, pp. 355-362., p. 356, fig. 44, 1. For the head from Osuna: Engel and Paris, 1906Engel, A. and Paris, P. (1906). “Une forteresse ibérique à Osuna (fouilles de 1903).” Nouvelles Archives des Missions Scientifiques, 13, pp. 357-490., p. 375; Paris, 1908Paris, P. (1908). “Promenades archéologiques en Espagne. III. Osuna.” Bulletin hispanique, 10, pp. 1-16. DOI: 10.3406/hispa.1908.1559, p. 5; 1910Paris, P. (1910). Promenades archéologiques en Espagne I. Paris: Ernest Leroux., p. 152; Beltrán, 2008Beltrán, J. (2008). “Esculturas romanas de Conobaria (Las Cabezas de San Juan) y Vrso (Osuna). La adopción del mármol en los programas estatuarios de dos ciudades de la Baetica.” In: Noguera, J. M. and Conde, E. (Eds.). Escultura Romana en Hispania V. Murcia: Tabvlarivm, pp. 501-543., pp. 524-528, fig. 14; López, 2017López, I. (2017). Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica). Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla., pp. 78-80, no. 73, fig. 32, 1-4; López and Beltrán, 2018López, I. and Beltrán, J. (2018). “Esculturas reencontradas. Un conjunto de la Colonia Iulia Genetiva (Osuna, Sevilla).” In: Márquez, C. and Ojeda, D. (Eds.). Escultura romana en Hispania VIII. Córdoba: Universidad de Córdoba, pp. 597-623., pp. 599-600, figs. 1-5; Ojeda, 2019Ojeda, D. (2019). Review of Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica), by Isabel López. Trierer Zeitschrift. Archäologie und Kunst des Trierer Landes und seiner Nachbargebiete, 82, pp. 325-327., p. 326; López and Ontiveros, 2021López, I. and Ontiveros, E. (2021). “El ciclo escultórico del teatro romano de la Colonia Iulia Genetiva (Osuna, Sevilla).” Eidola, 18, pp. 67-82., p. 71, fig. 4; Beltrán et al., 2022Beltrán, J., Loza, L., Montañez, S. and Becerra, D. (2022). “The Domus Augusta in two urban landscapes of Baetica based on the sculptural evidence: Italica (Santiponce, Seville) and Asido (Medina Sidonia, Cadiz).” In: Cristilli, A., De Luca, F., Di Luca, G. and Gonfloni, A. (Eds.). Experiencing the Landscape in Antiquity 2. Oxford: BAR, pp. 355-362., p. 356, n. 18). They have traditionally been interpreted as copies of the image of a Julio-Claudian prince. I do not agree with that. The three Y-Motifs differ in their shape and in the locks of hair that form them. The comparison of the profiles of the three portraits makes clear the great differences between them, which impedes a typological link. The absence of exact copies of the three heads among the known portraits of the young Julio-Claudian princes, and the fact that they are not replicas of each other, means that they are better identified as unknown young men in the Augustan period (León, 2009León, P. (2009). “El retrato.” In: León, P. (Ed.). Arte Romano de la Bética. Escultura. Sevilla: Fundación Focus-Abengoa, pp. 153-233., p. 209; Ojeda, 2019Ojeda, D. (2019). Review of Osuna (Provincia de Sevilla. Hispania Vlterior Baetica), by Isabel López. Trierer Zeitschrift. Archäologie und Kunst des Trierer Landes und seiner Nachbargebiete, 82, pp. 325-327., p. 326).

  Écija, private collection. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-PLF-2558-2559 (photo Peter Witte).

Figure 3. Portrait of a young man. Écija, private collection. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-PLF-2558-2559 (photo Peter Witte).

  Seville, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 134. Archaeological Museum of Seville (photo Pilar León).

Figure 4. Portrait of a young man. Seville, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 134. Archaeological Museum of Seville (photo Pilar León).

  Murcia, private collection. Inv. n. a. University of Murcia (photo José Inchaurrandieta).

Figure 5. Portrait of a young man. Murcia, private collection. Inv. n. a. University of Murcia (photo José Inchaurrandieta).

A fourth portrait from Baetica with inverted upsilon was found in the Regina forum (Fig. 6) (Griñó, 2009de Griñó, B de (2009). Reflejos de Roma. Selección de escultura romana Museo Arqueológico Provincial Badajoz. Badajoz: Consejería de Cultura y Turismo., pp. 70-71, no. 31 with illustration; Nogales and Nobre 2010Nogales, T. and Nobre, L. (2010). “Programas estatuarios en el foro de Regina (Baetica): Príncipe julio-claudio, Genius y estatua colosal de Trajano. Una primera aproximación.” In: Abascal, J. M. and Cebrián, R. (Eds.), Escultura romana en Hispania VI. Murcia: Tabvlarivm, pp. 169-197., pp. 182-189, fig. 5a-b). It has a veil and one of the usual haircuts for young men in the Roman age. Long loose locks of hair are combed forward and practically reach to below his temples. Similar hairstyles can be seen in a veiled portrait in the Boston Fine Arts Museum (Comstock and Vermeule, 1976Comstock, M. and Vermeule, C. (1976). Sculpture in Stone. The Greek, Roman and Etruscan Collections of the Museum of Fine Arts Boston. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts., p. 216, no. 342 with illustrations), in the portraits of the Chersonnesos-Herakleion type (Fittschen 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., p. 119 no. 71, fig. 74) and in a portrait of an unknown young man in the Vatican Museums (Kaschnitz-Weinberg, 1937Kaschnitz-Weinberg, G. (1937). Sculture del magazzino del Museo Vaticano. Città del Vaticano: Città del Vaticano., p. 292, no. 713, fig. 107).⁶It is not possible to know whether this portrait displayed the Y-Motif because the whole right side of the head is missing.

  Badajoz, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 7990. Archaeological Museum of Badajoz (photo Antonio Peña).

Figure 6. Portrait of a young man. Badajoz, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 7990. Archaeological Museum of Badajoz (photo Antonio Peña).

A portrait now in Bochum, from an unknown provenance, also displays the Y-Motif (Fig. 7) (Imdahl and Kunisch, 1979Imdahl, M. and Kunisch, N. (1979). Plastik. Antike und moderne Kunst der Sammlung Dierichs in der Ruhr-Universität Bochum. Bonn: Paul Dierichs., pp. 36-45 with illustrations; Giebel, 1984Giebel, M. (1984). Augustus. Reinbek: Rowohlt., p. 119 with illustration; Bol, 1990cBol, P. C. (1990c). “Polyklet, der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik.” Antike Welt, 21, pp. 159-176., p. 171, p. 176, fig. 33; Lahusen, 1990Lahusen, G. (1990). “Bildniskopf eines Jünglings.” In: Bol, P. C. (Ed.). Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der griechischen Klassik. Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 650-651., pp. 650-651, no. 181 with illustration; Meyer, 1995Meyer, H. (1995). “A Roman Masterpiece: The Minneapolis Doryphoros.” In : Moon, W. G. (Ed.). Polykleitos, The Doryphoros, and Tradition. Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, pp. 65-115., p. 115; León, 2001León, P. (2001). Retratos romanos de la Bética. Sevilla: Fundación El Monte., pp. 264-265; Hölscher, 2011Hölscher, T. (2011). Il linguaggio dellʼarte romana. Un sistema semántico. Vicenza: Einaudi., p. 44, fig. 3). In its lower part it was prepared to be fitted to a body. The edge at the back of the neck shows that the body must have been dressed.⁷As a general rule, heads with an insertion tenon under the neck usually belong to statues with toga or military statues. This technique is not usual, in hip-mantle or nude statues: Fittschen, 2005, p. 155. Considering the documented cases of Augustan portraits with the ⅄, a statue dressed with a tunic and himation or a toga are the most likely options.

  Bochum, Ancient Art Collection at Ruhr University. Inv. S 1092. Ruhr University Bochum (photo Michael Benecke).

Figure 7. Portrait of a young man. Bochum, Ancient Art Collection at Ruhr University. Inv. S 1092. Ruhr University Bochum (photo Michael Benecke).

The seven young men with the Y-Motif dated in the Augustan period may have sought a direct link with the works of Polykleitos. Therefore, they did not only exhibit the ⅄ in the centre of their fringe, as was usual in the master’s sculptures (see supra n. 1). The imitation extended to two other aspects. First, in some of the portraits (Figs. 5 and 7), the rest of the hair was also represented in accordance with Polykleitos’ model. Second, to a greater or lesser extent, they all display a physiognomy that depended on the work of the sculptor from Argos.⁸For Polykleitos’ works, see most recently Kansteiner, 2021.

Polykleitos’ influence in the Augustan portraits of young men with the ⅄ may be explained within the iconographic programme of the aurea aetas (Zanker, 2003Zanker, P. (2003). Augustus und die Macht der Bilder. München4: Beck., pp. 171-196). Classical Greek art was a model for this political-cultural movement in the time of Augustus (Zanker, 1988Zanker, P. (1988). “Klassizismus und Archaismus. Zur Formensprache der neuen Kultur.” In: Heilmeyer, W.-D., La Rocca, E. and Martin, H. G. (Eds.). Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik. Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 622-635., pp. 629-631; 2003, pp. 248-252; see also La Rocca, 1988La Rocca, E. (1988). “Einleitung.” In: Heilmeyer, W.-D., La Rocca, E. and Martin, H. G. (Eds.). Kaiser Augustus und die verlorene Republik. Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 13-23., pp. 17-21). The Prima Porta-type of portraits of the Princeps are a good example of how that iconographic policy was applied.⁹For the portraits of Augustus of the Prima Porta type: Boschung, 1993b, pp. 38-50. By means of a polykleitisation of the form, Augustus was represented in them as the ideal model of society in his time (Zanker, 1974Zanker, P. (1974). Klassizistische Statuen. Studien zur Veränderung des Kunstgeschmacks in der römischen Kaiserzeit. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 43; 2003, pp. 103-104; for the Polykleitan influence in Augustus’ portraits: Zanker, 1973Zanker, P. (1973). Studien zu den Augustus-Porträts I. Der Actium-Typus. Göttingen: Vandenhoek & Ruprecht., pp. 45-46; Fittschen, 1991Fittschen, K. (1991). “Die Bildnisse des Augustus.” In: G. BinderG. (Ed.). Saeculum Augustum 3. Kunst und Bildersprache. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, pp. 149-186., pp. 176-178; Boschung, 1993bBoschung, D. (1993b). Die Bildnisse des Augustus. Berlin: Gebr. Mann., p. 64; Smith, 1996Smith, R. R. R. (1996). “Typology and Diversity in the Portraits of Augustus.” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 9, pp. 30-47. DOI: 10.1017/s1047759400016482, pp. 41-45; Zanker, 2003Zanker, P. (2003). Augustus und die Macht der Bilder. München4: Beck., pp. 103-105; Hölscher, 2011Hölscher, T. (2011). Il linguaggio dellʼarte romana. Un sistema semántico. Vicenza: Einaudi., p. 13, pp. 43-44; Borbein, 2012Borbein, A. H. (2012). “Augustus/Romulus. Italische Reminiszenzen in der augusteischen Bildsprache.” In: De Angelis, F., Dickmann, J.-A., Pirson, F. and von den Hoff, R. (Eds.). Kunst von Unten? Stil und Gesellschaft in der antiken Welt von der ›arte plebea‹ bis heute. Wiesbaden: Reichert, pp. 133-155., pp. 142-147; Boschung, 2015Boschung, D. (2015). “Heroische Aspekte im römischen Kaiserporträt – Der Fall des Augustus.” In: von den Hoff, R., Heinzer, F., Hubert, H. W. and Schreurs-Morét, A. (Eds.). Imitatio heroica. Heldenangleichung im Bildnis. Würzburg: Ergon, pp. 85-97., pp. 90-91). The message was tremendously effective. The youths of the saeculum aureum hastened to follow the example of the Princeps and also included Polykleitan notes in their portraits. In this way, through the Y-Motif and the polykleitisation of physiognomy, these young men demonstrated their adhesion to the new regime publically.

The portrait from Italica (Fig. 4) poses another argument to support this hypothesis. It was found in the theatre and it is likely that it belonged to the Augustan phase of the building.¹⁰For a summary of the current state of our knowledge about the Roman theatre at Italica: Ventura, 2009, pp. 192-202; León, 2021, pp. 131-140. Although no inscription has been found as proof, it might portray a relative (the son?) of one of the local euergetists who paid for the construction of the theatre: Lucius Herius, Lucius Blattius Traianus Pollio and Caius T(itius?) Pollio.¹¹The names of these euergetists were recorded in an inscription in the floor of the orchestra and in another inscription now in Seville Archaeological Museum: León, 2021, pp. 136-137, figs. 50-51. For the parts of the theatre that each one sponsored: Ventura, 2009, p. 193. They were all pontifices primi creati Augusto (see the summary in Caballos, 1994Caballos, A. (1994). Itálica y los italicenses. Sevilla: Junta de Andalucía., pp. 74-75). A public building funded by priests for the cult of Augustus seems the perfect place to exhibit a portrait whose iconography clearly displayed the commitment of the youth to pro-Augustan policies.¹²Some of the Augustan portraits of young men with the Y-Motif display iconographic attributes linked to the Roman religious world: strophia (fig. 2) and veils (fig. 6). This circumstance is probably not due to chance. The interest of these young men in exhibiting their pietas may be associated with the fundamental role played by religious renewal in the time of Augustus. See Zanker, 2003, pp. 108-140. The portrait from Italica (fig. 4) was made to be inserted in a veiled statue as well. This is seen in the way that the back of it was sculpted. A crescent-shaped cut extends from the top of the head to the lower part of the neck. Similar heads are known and they all belonged to veiled statues. See for example Karanastasi, 2019, pp. 595-597, fig. 10 (body) and 11a-b (head). For this working technique in another two male statues with togas: Goette, 1990, p. 129, BaGr.2, fig. 13,2; Johansen, 1994, pp. 252-253, no. 114. See also Johansen, 1994, pp. 282-283, no. 124; Schade, 2003, p. 186, no. I 25, fig. 39; Romano, 2006, pp. 84-87, no. 44; Gercke and Zimmermann-Elseify, 2007, pp. 224-226, no. 71. For the veil as a symbol of pietas towards the gods: Freier, 1963, pp. 174-177; Fittschen, 1970, p. 544; Fittschen and Zanker, 1985, p. 54; Goette, 1990, pp. 52-53, n. 271; Fittschen, 1992, p. 116. For portraits of unknown people with a veiled head: Fittschen, 1992, p. 116, n. 9. For images of children with veiled head in liturgical ceremonies, see for example Fless, 1995, pp. 48-50, fig. 16,1; pp. 51-53, fig. 17,1; p. 49, fig. 37,1. For the strophion as a religious symbol: see supra n. 5.

3. AGRIPPINA THE YOUNGER AND THE Y-MOTIF

In the reign of Claudius, the Y-Motif is first documented in the portraits of a member of the imperial house. Curiously, it appears in connection with a woman. In the four extant portraits of the Parma-Neapel type of Agrippina the Younger, the ⅄ is clearly shown in the centre of her forehead (Figs. 8-11) (the two fundamental studies of the Parma-Neapel type are Trillmich, 1982Trillmich, W. (1982). “Ein Kopffragment in Merida und die Bildnisse der Agrippina Minor aus den Hispanischen Provinzen.” In: Homenaje a Saenz de Buruaga. Madrid: Diputación Provincial de Badajoz, pp. 109-121.; and 2007aTrillmich, W. (2007a). “Typologie der Bildnisse der Iulia Agrippina.” In: Moltensen, M. and Nielsen, A. M. (Eds.). Agrippina Minor: Life and Afterlife. Copenhaguen: Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, pp. 45-65., pp. 51-52; see also the summary in Boschung, 1993aBoschung, D. (1993a). “Die Bildnistypen der iulisch-claudischen Kaiserfamilie: ein kritischer Forschungsbericht.” Journal of Roman Archaeology, 6, pp. 39-79. DOI: 10.1017/s1047759400011466, p. 73 and the brief comment in Sande, 1985Sande, S. (1985). “Römische Frauenporträts mit Mauerkrone.” Acta ad Archaeologiam et Artium Historiam Pertinentia, 5, pp. 151-245., p. 195). The adoption of this iconographic motif by the empress must have been motivated by the dynastic struggles between Julians and Claudians. The former supported the succession of Nero; the latter that of Britannicus. To justify her son’s candidature, Agrippina argued that Nero was a direct descendant of Augustus by the maternal line (for the problems of the succession in the time of Claudius: Kraft, 1966Kraft, K. (1966). “Der politische Hintergrund von Senecas Apocolocyntosis.” Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte, 15, pp. 96-122.; Levick, 1975Levick, B. (1975). “‘Julians and Claudians’.” Greece & Rome, 22, pp. 29-38. DOI: 10.1017/s0017383500020039; Andreae, 1994andreae, B. (1994). “Zur Einheitlichkeit der Statuenausstattung im Nymphäum des Kaisers Claudius bei Baiae.” In: Strocka, V. M. (Ed.). Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Claudius (41-54 n. Chr.): Umbruch oder Episode? Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 221-243., p. 241; Griffin, 1994Griffin, M. (1994). “Claudius in the judgement of the next half-Century.” In: Strocka, V. M. (Ed.). Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Claudius (41-54 n. Chr.): Umbruch oder Episode? Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 307-316.; Koster, 1994Koster, S. (1994). “Julier und Claudier im Spiegel literarischer Texte.” In: Strocka, V. M. (Ed.). Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Claudius (41-54 n. Chr.): Umbruch oder Episode? Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 1-9.; Trillmich, 2007bTrillmich, W. (2007b). “Espacios públicos de culto imperial en Augusta Emerita: entre hipótesis y dudas.” In: Nogales, T. and González, J. (Eds.). Culto Imperial: política y poder. Roma: L᾽Erma di Bretschneider, pp. 417-445., pp. 436-440; Bergmann, 2013Bergmann, M. (2013). “Portraits of an Emperor – Nero, the Sun, and Roman Otium.” In: Buckley, E. and Dinter, M. T. (Eds.). A Companion to the Neronian Age. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 332-362., p. 334 and 343). In this historical context, the Y-Motif probably acted as an Augustan symbol, which was re-used by the empress to display publically her blood ties to Augustus and thus legitimise the succession of her son Nero.¹³The Parma-Neapel type must have been in use from AD 49 to 54 (Trillmich, 1982, p. 114; 2007a, p. 52 and p. 54). It was only in vogue while it was necessary to legitimise the Augustan blood of Nero. Once he came to power in October 54, the Y-Motif and the link to Augustus were no longer necessary. For this reason, Agrippina changed her image with a new type of portrait in which she stressed her kinship with Nero by means of a physiognomic resemblence: Trillmich, 2007a, pp. 52-54. The memory of those youths, who by means of their Polykleitan portraits with inverted upsilon declared their loyalty to the policies of the Augustian period, must still have endured in the Rome of the decade of the 50s AD.

  Naples, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. 6242. D-DAI-ROM-36.907 (photo Johannes Felbermeyer).

Figure 8. Portrait of Agrippina the Younger. Naples, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. 6242. D-DAI-ROM-36.907 (photo Johannes Felbermeyer).

  Parma, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. 830. D-DAI-ROM-67.1591 (photo Gerhard Singer).

Figure 9. Portrait of Agrippina the Younger. Parma, National Archaeological Museum. Inv. 830. D-DAI-ROM-67.1591 (photo Gerhard Singer).

  Mérida, National Museum of Roman Art. Inv. 10726. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-R-104-78-17 (photo Peter Witte).

Figure 10. Portrait of Agrippina the Younger. Mérida, National Museum of Roman Art. Inv. 10726. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-R-104-78-17 (photo Peter Witte).

  Conimbriga, National Museum. Inv. 67379. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-R-81-81-10 (photo Peter Witte).

Figure 11. Portrait of Agrippina the Younger. Conimbriga, National Museum. Inv. 67379. D-DAI-MAD-WIT-R-81-81-10 (photo Peter Witte).

The popularity of Agrippina the Younger must have been the reason for the presence of the ⅄ in the case of a veiled female portrait from Cordoba (Fig. 12) (Poulsen, 1933Poulsen, F. (1933). Sculptures antiques de Musées de province espagnols. Copenhagen: Levin & Munksgaard., pp. 12-13, figs. 7-9; Santos, 1950Santos, S de los (1950). Guía del Museo Arqueológico Provincial de Córdoba. Madrid: Góngora., p. 58, fig. 13b; Vicent, 1965Vicent, A. M. (1965). Museo Arqueológico de Córdoba.Madrid: Dirección General de Bellas Artes., p. 25; 1989Vicent, A. M. (1989). Retratos romanos femeninos del Museo Arqueológico de Córdoba. Córdoba: Real Academia de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Artes de Córdoba., p. 24, no. 3 with illustrations in p. 25; León, 2001León, P. (2001). Retratos romanos de la Bética. Sevilla: Fundación El Monte., pp. 192-193, no. 52 with illustrations; Beltrán, 2008Beltrán, J. (2008). “Esculturas romanas de Conobaria (Las Cabezas de San Juan) y Vrso (Osuna). La adopción del mármol en los programas estatuarios de dos ciudades de la Baetica.” In: Noguera, J. M. and Conde, E. (Eds.). Escultura Romana en Hispania V. Murcia: Tabvlarivm, pp. 501-543., p. 526, n. 49). The resemblance to the empress demonstrates the Claudian chronology of this portrait. The young woman may have included the Y-Motif as a way of emulating the empress. Whether or not it also involved the support of a pro-Neronian policy is a question without an answer.

  Cordoba, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 25. D-DAI-MAD-WAG-7867 (photo Hermann Wagner).

Figure 12. Portrait of a young woman. Cordoba, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 25. D-DAI-MAD-WAG-7867 (photo Hermann Wagner).

4. THE RETROSPECTIVE TENDENCY IN ROMAN PORTRAITURE AND THE Y-MOTIF

The retrospective tendency was an iconographic fashion that affected some Roman portraits from the time of Hadrian onwards. It consisted of the intentional search for highbrow references to the Greek past by means of imitating models from the Classical period or the start of the Hellenistic age (for the retrospective tendency in Roman portraiture: Fittschen, 1989Fittschen, K. (1989). “"Barbaren"-Köpfe: Zur Imitation Alexanders d.Gr. in der mittleren Kaiserzeit.” In: Walker, S. and Cameron, A. (Eds.). The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire. London: University of London, pp. 108-113.; 1992; Danguillier, 2001Danguillier, C. (2001). Typologische Untersuchungen zur Dichter- und Denkerikonographie in römischen Darstellungen von der mittleren Kaiserzeit bis in die Spätantike. Oxford: BAR., pp. 129-130; Krumeich, 2004Krumeich, R. (2004). “‘Klassiker’ im Gymnasion. Bildnisse attischer Kosmeten der mittleren und späten Kaiserzeit zwischen Rom und griechischer Vergangenheit.” In: Borg, B. (Ed.). Paideia. The World of the Second Sophistic. Berlin: de Gruyter, pp. 131-155.; 2008Krumeich, R. (2008). “Vergegenwärtigung einer “großen” Vergangenheit. Zitate älterer Bildnisse und retrospektive Statuen berühmter Athener im Athen der römischen Kaiserzeit.” In: Junker, K. and Stähli, A. (Eds.). Original und Kopie. Formen und Konzepte der Nachahmung in der antiken Kunst. Wiesbaden: Reichert, pp. 159-175., pp. 161-165; Fittschen, 2010aFittschen, K. (2010a). “The Portraits of Roman Emperors and Their Families. Controversial Positions and Unsolved Problems.” In: Ewald, B. and Noreña, C. (Eds.). The Emperor and Rome. Space, Representation, and Ritual. New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 221-246., pp. 238-239; 2013Fittschen, K. (2013). “Lesefrüchte V.” Boreas, 36, pp. 145-169., p. 151, n. 32; Horster and Schröder, 2014Horster, M. and Schröder, T. (2014). “Priests, Crowns and Priestly Headdresses in Imperial Athens.” In: Alroth, B. and Scheffer, C. (Eds.). Attitudes towards the Past in Antiquity. Creating Identities. Stockholm: Bobergs, pp. 233-239., p. 236; Fittschen, 2021Fittschen, K. (2021). Privatporträts mit Repliken. Zur Sozialgeschichte römischer Bildnisse der mittleren Kaiserzeit. Wiesbaden: Reichert., p. 45, p. 106; Ojeda, 2021Ojeda, D. (2021). “Un retrato adrianeo inédito del Museo Arqueológico Nacional.” In: Lang, J. and Marcks-Jacobs, C. (Eds.). Arbeit am Bildnis. Porträts als Zugang zu antiken Gesellschaften. Festschrift für Dietrich Boschung. Regensburg: Schnell & Steiner, pp. 83-88., pp. 83-85; Kovacs, 2023Kovacs, M. (2023). “Herrscher oder Athlet? Überlegungen zu einem attischen Bildnistypus frühseverischer Zeit.” In: Danner, M and LeitmeirF. (Eds.). Von äußerst delikatem Stil. Rückgriffe aus archäologischer Perspektive. Baden-Baden: Ergon, pp. 175-192., pp. 187-188). Four retrospective portraits are known with the Y-Motif. They all emulate Greek models in the 5^th or 4^th centuries BC.

An Antonine portrait of a man found in Thessaloniki shows a parting in the shape of an inverted upsilon in the centre of his fringe (Fig. 13) (Despinis, Stephanidou-Tiveriou and Voutiras, 2003Despinis, G., Stephanidou-Tiveriou, T. and Voutiras, E. (2003). Κατάλογος γλυπτών του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης II. Thessaloniki: Μορφωτικό Ίδρυμα Εθνικής Τραπέζης., pp. 158-160, no. 270, figs. 818-821).¹⁴The assimilation of the portrait with the iconography of Antoninus Pius (see for example Fittschen and Zanker, 1985, pp. 63-66, no. 59, fig. 68) ensures its date in the mid-second century AD. His physiognomy and long hair brings to mind Phidias’ works. Very similar forms can be seen in the heads of the Milles-Neapel type (see supra n. 1) and on some figures in the Parthenon frieze (Berger and Gisler-Huwiler, 1996Berger, E. and Gisler-Huwiler, M. (1996). Der Parthenon in Basel. Dokumentation zum Fries. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 165, fig. 137, 46).

  Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 11518. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Museum of Casts Archive. ΑΓΜΕ 197 Α-D (photo Ηλίας Ηλιάδης).

Figure 13. Portrait of a man. Thessaloniki, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 11518. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Museum of Casts Archive. ΑΓΜΕ 197 Α-D (photo Ηλίας Ηλιάδης).

The Antonine portrait of a young man with the Y-Motif found in Veria (Fig. 14) (Fittschen, 1999Fittschen, K. (1999). Prinzenbildnisse antoninischer Zeit. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 89, no. 70; Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, 2001Saatsoglou-Paliadeli, C. (2001). “Εκ του ερειπιώνος των Παλατιτσίων. Νεανικές κεφαλές από τον αρχαιολογικό χώρος της Βεργίνας.” In: Voutiras, E. and Pandermalis, D. (Eds.). Άγαλμα. Μελέτες για την αρχαία πλαστική προς τιμήν του Γιώργου Δεσπίνη. Thessaloniki: Υπουργείο Πολιτισμού, Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης, pp. 261-272., pp. 266-272, figs. 5-8)¹⁵Its similarity to portraits of Lucius Verus of Type II and III (see for example Fittschen, 1999, p. 39, D1, fig. 64 a-c; p. 42, E1, fig. 67 a-d) guarantees its chronology in the mid-second century AD. seems to coincide with the previous example from Thessaloniki in its references to classical models. This is suggested by its resemblance to the Apollo in the eastern Parthenon frieze (Berger and Gisler-Huwiler, 1996Berger, E. and Gisler-Huwiler, M. (1996). Der Parthenon in Basel. Dokumentation zum Fries. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 163, fig. 136, 39) and the images of boys in Attic funerary reliefs (Bergemann, 1997Bergemann, J. (1997). Demos und Thanatos. Untersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polis im Spiegel der attischen Grabreliefs des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. und zur Funktion der gleichzeitigen Grabbauten. München: Biering & Brinkmann., p. 161, no. 123, fig. 48, 4 and pp. 164-165, no. 271, fig. 50, 3).

  Veria, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 407. D-DAI-ATH 1971/727-728-729-730 (photo Gösta Hellner).

Figure 14. Portrait of a young man. Veria, Archaeological Museum. Inv. 407. D-DAI-ATH 1971/727-728-729-730 (photo Gösta Hellner).

The same iconographic tendency can be found in a portrait of an adult male with the ⅄ from Cyrene, made in the time of Marcus Aurelius (Fig. 15).¹⁶Two copies of the portrait of this unknown person have been documented: most recently Fittschen, 2021, pp. 46-47, no. 23, fig. 24. The resemblance to portraits of Marcus Aurelius (see for example Fittschen, 1999, p. 26, B37, fig. 53) ensures its date in the mid-second century AD. If his right profile is compared with Figure no. 45 in the eastern Parthenon frieze (Berger and Gisler-Huwiler, 1996Berger, E. and Gisler-Huwiler, M. (1996). Der Parthenon in Basel. Dokumentation zum Fries. Mainz: von Zabern., p. 165, fig. 137, 45) or with the funerary relief of Tynnias (Bergemann, 1997Bergemann, J. (1997). Demos und Thanatos. Untersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polis im Spiegel der attischen Grabreliefs des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. und zur Funktion der gleichzeitigen Grabbauten. München: Biering & Brinkmann., p. 161, no. 107, fig. 95, 4), the connection with classical Greece is evident.

  Cyrene, Museum. Inv. J.68.32 (reproduced after White, 1976, figs. 54–55).

Figure 15. Portrait of a man. Cyrene, Museum. Inv. J.68.32 (reproduced after White, 1976, figs. 54–55).

An adult man of the Severan period, whose portrait displays the Y-Motif and classical reminiscences, may come from North Africa (Fig. 16).¹⁷For the two known copies of the Boston-Budapest type and the possible North African origin of the person depicted, see most recently Fittschen, 2021, pp. 77-78, no. 43b, fig. 46, 1-2 and 4-6. To corroborate its Severan date, it is only necessary to compare the profiles of the Boston-Budapest type with some childhood portraits of Caracalla. See for example Fittschen, 1971, p. 236, fig. 45-46. It suffices to compare his physiognomic scheme with the so-called Phocion (Pandermalis, 1969Pandermalis, D. (1969). Untersuchungen zu den klassischen Strategenköpfen. Freiburg: Wasmuth., pp. 59-65, figs. 17-19)¹⁸The comparison with the copy in the Chiaramonti Museum seems especially clear to me: Andreae, 1995, p. 33 with illustrations. or with an unknown person in a funerary stela in Athens National Museum (Bergemann, 1997Bergemann, J. (1997). Demos und Thanatos. Untersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polis im Spiegel der attischen Grabreliefs des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. und zur Funktion der gleichzeitigen Grabbauten. München: Biering & Brinkmann., p. 161, no. 126, fig. 84, 1) to see the influence of classical Greek sculpture in the 5^th-4^thcenturies BC. The large central fork in his fringe directly recalls the one that can be seen in Herodotus’ portraits (see for example Richter, 1965Richter, G. (1965). The Portraits of the Greek I-III. London: Phaidon Press., p. 146, no. 8, fig. 800).

  Boston, Museum of Fine Arts. Inv. 88349. Available at: http://Arachne.dainst.org/entity/1063171 (photo Gisela Fittschen-Badura).

Figure 16. Portrait of a man Boston, Museum of Fine Arts. Inv. 88349. Available at: http://Arachne.dainst.org/entity/1063171 (photo Gisela Fittschen-Badura).

It is not difficult to imagine the reason why these four men added the Y-Motif to their hairstyles. By means of that typically classicist detail they efficiently completed the classical notes of their physiognomies. The aim may have been to show, through their portraits and as clearly as possible, their sympathy with the Greek past in the Classical period.

5. THE GALLIENIC RENAISSANCE AND THE Y-MOTIF

Gallienus was depicted with Y-Motif in his portraits of Type Louvre (Figs. 17-19) (for the portraits of Gallienus of Type Louvre: Fittschen, 1993bFittschen, K. (1993b). “Das Bildnis des Kaisers Gallien aus Milreu. Zum Problem der Bildnistypologie.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts. Abteilung Madrid, 34, pp. 210-227., p. 214 and pp. 221-222). The use of this iconographic detail by the Princeps can easily be explained within the context of the Gallienic Renaissance (for the phenomenon of the Gallienic Renaissance: Alföldi, 1929Alföldi, A. (1929). “Die Vorherrschaft der Pannonier im Römerreiche und die Reaktion des Hellenentums unter Gallienus.” In: Fünfundzwanzig Jahre Römisch-Germanische Kommission. Berlin: De Gruyter, pp. 11-51.; Rodenwaldt, 1931Rodenwaldt, G. (1931). “Römischer Achteckbau in Mainz. Problem der Renaissancen.” Archäologischer Anzeiger, 1931, pp. 317-338., pp. 318-327; Mathew, 1943Mathew, G. (1943). “The Character of the Gallienic Renaissance.” The Journal of Roman Studies, 33, pp. 65-70. DOI: 10.2307/296628; Himmelmann, 1962Himmelmann, N. (1962). “Sarkophag eines Gallinischen Konsuls.” In: Himmelmann, N. and Biesantz, H. (Eds.). Festschrift für Friedrich Matz. Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 110-124.; Fittschen, 1975aFittschen, K. (1975a). Der Meleager Sarkophag. Frankfurt: Walther-Druck., pp. 22-25; 1978Fittschen, K. (1978). “A Male Portrait from the Later Severan Period.” Arts in Virginia, 18, pp. 20-32., p. 23; Rössler, 1997Rössler, D. (1997). “Zum Problem der «Gallienischen Renaissance.» Anmerkungen und Fragen.” In: Bouzek, J. and Ondřejová, I. (Eds.). Roman Portraits. Artistic and Literay. Mainz: von Zabern, pp. 42-44.; Ismaelli, 2012Ismaelli, T. (2012). “Un ritratto di età gallienica da Hierapolis di Frigia.” Revue archéologique, 2012 (2), pp. 243-274. DOI: 10.3917/arch.122.0243, pp. 263-266. For the origin of the term Gallienic Renaissance: Fittschen, 1993bFittschen, K. (1993b). “Das Bildnis des Kaisers Gallien aus Milreu. Zum Problem der Bildnistypologie.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts. Abteilung Madrid, 34, pp. 210-227., p. 225, n. 91). This cultural movement involved a search for past stylistic or iconographic points of reference as a way to achieve social renovation.¹⁹It is shown in Gallienic art in several ways. For example, some of the portraits of the Princeps cite fashions and details from the start of the imperial age. See for example the way the problem is addressed in Himmelmann, 1962, pp. 110-111. Fittschen, 1975a, p. 25; 1975b, pp. 140-142; 1993b, p. 224. Gallienus and his court may have been the centre of this romantic current, conceived to alleviate the systemic crisis of Rome in the middle of the 3rd century AD. The Gallienic rebirth of the ⅄ fits well into this trend. It would have enabled Gallienus to establish a link with the Polykleitan Augustan youths.²⁰A second aspect could reinforce this link with the aurea aetas: Fittschen, 1993b, pp. 221-222 and p. 224 has suggested a link between the portraits of Gallienus of Type Louvre and the iconography of Mercury/Augustus. Like them, with his portraits displaying the inverted upsilon he declared his enthusiasm for the possibility of reliving a new saeculum aureum.²¹For the proclamation of the novum saeculum aureum during the reign of Gallienus, see the summary in De Blois, 1976, pp. 128-129.

  Munich, Museum of Casts of Classical Statues. Inv. DFG 155. Museum of Casts of Classical Statues (photo Heide Glöckler).

Figure 17. Portrait of Gallienus. Munich, Museum of Casts of Classical Statues. Inv. DFG 155. Museum of Casts of Classical Statues (photo Heide Glöckler).

  Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Inv. 832. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (photo Jo Selsing).

Figure 18. Portrait of Gallienus. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek. Inv. 832. Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (photo Jo Selsing).

  Rome, Corsini Palace. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-ROM-74.722 (photo Christoph Rossa).

Figure 19. Portrait of Gallienus. Rome, Corsini Palace. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-ROM-74.722 (photo Christoph Rossa).

Some contemporaries of the emperor must have shared his utopian dream. A male portrait found in Same seems to display a similar physiognomic scheme and a fork in his fringe resembling an inverted upsilon (Fig. 20) (Hood, 1958Hood, S. (1958). “Archaeology in Greece, 1958.” Archaeological Reports, 5, pp. 3-24. DOI: 10.2307/580991, p. 12, fig. 14; Daux, 1959Daux, G. (1959). “Chronique des fouilles et découvertes archéologiques en Grèce en 1958.” Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, 83(2), pp. 567-793., p. 659, fig. 1; Kallipolitis, 1960Kallipolitis, V. (1960). “Χαλκῆ εἰκονιστικὴ κεφαλὴ τῆς ἐποχῆς τοῦ Γαλλιηνοῦ.” Αρχαιολογική Εφημερίς, 1960, pp. 141-154., pp. 141-154, figs. 1 and 4, pl. 7-11; 1965Kallipolitis, V. (1965). “Portrait grec en bronze de l'époque de Gallien.” Monuments et mémoires de la Fondation Eugène Piot, 54, pp. 117-130. DOI: 10.3406/piot.1965.1506, pp. 117-130, figs. 1-2, pl. 7-8; Massner, 1969-1970Massner,A.-K. (1969-1970). “Porträt eines Atheners aus der Zeit des Kaisers Gallienus.” Jahrbuch des Bernischen Historischen Museums, 49, pp. 305-319., p. 317; Pandermalis, 1972Pandermalis, D. (1972). “Ein Bildnis des Severus Alexander in Thessaloniki.” Archäologischer Anzeiger, 1972, pp. 128-145. DOI: 10.1515/9783112416648-012, p. 134, n. 14; Wegner, 1979Wegner, M. (1979). Gordianus III bis Carinus. Berlin: Gebr. Mann., p. 112 and p. 162; McCann, 1981McCann, A. M. (1981). “Beyond the Classical in Third Century Portraiture.” In: TemporiniH. (Ed.). Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt 12(2), pp. 623-645., p. 636, figs. 19 and 21; Meischner, 1982Meischner, J. (1982). “Privatporträts der Jahre 195 bis 220 n. Chr.” Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts, 97, pp. 401-439., p. 402, no. 2, fig. 4; Lahusen and Formigli, 2001Lahusen, G. and FormigliE. . (2001). Römische Bildnisse aus Bronze. Kunst und Technik. München: Hirmer., pp. 306-307, no. 190 with illustrations; Meischner, 2001Meischner, J. (2001). Bildnisse der Spätantike. Berlin: BNB., p. 18, fig. 18; Varner, 2004Varner, E. R. (2004). Mutilation and Transformation. Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture. Leiden: Brill., p. 211). Unfortunately, Gallienus’ murder in AD 268 put an end to any hope of returning to those prosperous years of Augustus’ reign.

  Kephallenia, Archaeological Museum of Argostoli. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-ATH Korfu 609/612/614/615 (photo Eva-Maria Czakó).

Figure 20. Portrait of a man. Kephallenia, Archaeological Museum of Argostoli. Inv. n. a. D-DAI-ATH Korfu 609/612/614/615 (photo Eva-Maria Czakó).

6. CONCLUSION

The main questions posed by Roman portraits with the Y-Motif can be answered quite precisely. When? This motif appears in portraits from the time of Augustus to Gallienus’ reign. No evidence has been found dated later than the third quarter of the 3^rd century. Where? They have been found in different regions of the Empire, from Hispania and Italy to North Africa and Greece. Who? Some members of the imperial family and also unknown individuals were portrayed with the ⅄. Why? The inverted upsilon was a polysemous iconographic motif. It carried four different connotations in Roman portraiture: a) a Polykeitan quirk indicating affiliation to Augustus’ political programme; b) an Augustan icon intended to legitimise the succession of Nero; c) a classicist detail to express a liking of classical Greek culture; and d) a nostalgic reminiscence of the aurea aetas of the early imperial age. The number of portraits with the Y-Motif may increase in the future.²²Roman portraits with a similar motif to the inverted upsilon but which has become more abstract should not be included in future lists of portraits with a Y-Motif. In those cases, it is not possible to be certain that the central parting in the fringe is an intentional ⅄. See for example Pollini, 1982, pp. 1-2, figs. 1-5; Scholl, 2016, pp. 287-288, no. 190 with illustrations; pp. 373-374, no. 279 with illustration. Heads that cannot be definitely identified as portraits should not be taken into account either. See for example Amedick, 1991, pp. 373-378, figs. 95-97; 1997, pp. 24-28, figs. 4-5 and the doubts raised by Boschung, 1993a, p. 75, n. 194.It remains to be seen whether this will allow a fifth meaning to be added to this list.